http://www.nytimes.com/2009/09/25/books/excerpt-clinton-tapes.html?pagewanted=5&_r=1
The Clinton Tapes
(Page 5 of 7)
Published: September 24, 2009.
On Bosnia, the president said his government first had
been divided over proposals for direct intervention to stop the infamous
spasms of violence, the ethnic cleansing, that had plagued the former
Yugoslavia since the end of the Cold War.** He said General Powell and
others had recommended against various military options, arguing that
air attacks were tempting and safe but could not compel a truce, and
that ground troops would be exposed among hostile foreigners in
difficult terrain. Within weeks, the new administration had explored
ideas to relax the international embargo on arms shipments to the
region, reasoning that the embargo penalized the weakest, most
victimized nation of Bosnia- Herzegovina. Unlike its neighbors in Serbia
and Croatia, the heavily Muslim population of Bosnia was isolated
without access to arms smuggled across the borders. The Bosnian
government wanted the embargo lifted so its people could defend
themselves, thereby opening a chance for military balance among the
antagonists that could lead to a political settlement.
Clinton said U.S. allies in Europe blocked proposals
to adjust or remove the embargo. They justified their opposition on
plausible humanitarian grounds, arguing that more arms would only fuel
the bloodshed, but privately, said the president, key allies objected
that an independent Bosnia would be "unnatural" as the only Muslim
nation in Europe. He said they favored the embargo precisely because it
locked in Bosnia's disadvantage. Worse, he added, they parried numerous
alternatives as a danger to the some eight thousand European
peacekeepers deployed in Bosnia to safeguard emergency shipments of food
and medical supplies. They challenged U.S. standing to propose shifts in
policy with no American soldiers at risk. While upholding their
peacekeepers as a badge of commitment, they turned these troops
effectively into a shield for the steady dismemberment of Bosnia by Serb
forces. When I expressed shock at such cynicism, reminiscent of the
blind-eye diplomacy regarding the plight of Europe's Jews during World
War II, President Clinton only shrugged. He said President François
Mitterrand of France had been especially blunt in saying that Bosnia did
not belong, and that British officials also spoke of a painful but
realistic restoration of Christian Europe. Against Britain and France,
he said, German chancellor Helmut Kohl among others had supported moves
to reconsider the United Nations arms embargo, failing in part because
Germany did not hold a seat on the U.N. Security Council. Clinton
sounded as though he were obliged to start over. He groped amid these
chastening constraints for new leadership options to stop Bosnia's mass
sectarian violence.
In a less chilling tone, the president analyzed his
administration's early penchant for leaking stories to the press. He
attributed nearly all the troublesome episodes to his own White House
staff, as opposed to cabinet officers or bureaucrats, and he
distinguished the leakers by motive and character. Whereas officials in
most governments planted stories in order to influence policy, or to
jockey for position against rivals, Clinton diagnosed his leaks as the
product of youthful exuberance. He said they seemed to be ego-driven,
from staff members eager to see their words in the news or prove they
were the first to know something. Such leaks often were frivolous,
whimsical, and inaccurate, he said. By playing to the swagger in his
young aides, reporters elicited stories of froth that gave fodder to his
political opposition. Clinton cited the uproar over one fictional report
that he planned a luxury tax to keep rich people from buying
supplementary health insurance. And by press fiat, before his first
organizational meeting in the White House, a mischievous leak had
vaulted gays in the military to the top of the national agenda.*** The
president complained that he had never really had a "honeymoon" in the
press. Not for the last time, he said it was nettlesome to deal with
sensational leaks rather than substantive politics, but he thought
things were getting better. |