ACCELERATION OF
SELF-SEGREGATION: ON THE OTHER SIDE OF HISTORY
By Nikola Samardzic
Cold and eery speech of totalitarianism, which ought to have been
irreversibly relegated to the near past, is once again in use in Serbia. Official and
semi-official collectivism, under the pretext of the return to tradition, seems to be
relying on quasi/mock historicism of 20th century totalitarian ideologies. As early as in
1993 Zbignyev Bzezinsky concluded that the 20t century was "the bloodiest and most
hate-filled century of mankind", the century of politically motivated dying, of
"mega deaths" and mass belief in ideological utopias and metha
"myths". But he also pointed out that Communism has not failed only because of
victory of democratic ideals, but rather because of its own basic blunders and illusions.
One is therefore to assume that communism was defeated not only because of mass trust in
democracy, but rather because of the consumer philosophy which does not set limits to
individuals, who thus guided by greed for material goods become "an allowed
cornucopia", emerging as an alternative to "compulsory utopia" of
totalitarianism.
New modern, this time around, consumer degradation has not bypassed
Serbia and its majority population. But it does not entail material and mass destruction,
and is more benign than the totalitarian one. However in Serbia has in parallel survived a
totalitarian, ideological blueprint, which was simply supplanted by national collectivism
put in place by nomencalture and new ingredients in the past two decades of nightmarish
wars and isolation. What followed were transitional pains and crashes. In those terms
Serbia is not a solitary example. Only its initial structure, in the late 80\'s, seemed
more favourable than the ones characterizing the others, on the other side of the iron
fence. Then it was possible to assume that the trance of nationalism would wane in the
face of temptations of democratization and Europeization. But it has not happened. On a
similar pathway, or apparently similar one, democratic transition which tried to usher
Serbia into a new century started visibly tottering, collapsing and losing impetus.
Limited in terms of being a threat to its neighbours and an obstruction
to the international order, official Serbia until late 2000 and anew since 2004 threatened
to plunge into self-isolation. To close down its roads and infrastructure, to effect a
stranglehold on free-thinkers. That was exactly what its Prime Minister implied when
highlighting that Serbia, shall not renounce its sovereignty over Kosovo for the sake of
joining the European road (as if it had not irretrivably lost Kosovo, seven years ago). In
fact in place is an informal coalition between president, government and parliamentary
mock opposition in the sense that they don\'t offer a serious and feasible alternative
solution, and threaten all those who try to contest the dominant interpretation of
national interests, or rather the one advocated by them. Nomenclature has not in vain
devised and imposed syntagm about Kosovo as the priciest Serb word. State status of Kosovo
is built into paradigms of both Serb and Kosovo policies, which are authoritarian,
provincial and sporadically racist. (International negotiatiors, notably those who have
direct contacts with both delegations, are perhaps most aware of that fact.) In other
words, the official platform on Kosovo is only one of the screen of cohabitation, a
political orgy by which nomenclature makes senseless all messages of the assassinated
Prime Minister, in order to formally keep a tight lid on the reasons behind his
liquidation.
Reality is however merciless for all and sundry. Europhobia and
anti-global policy are reduced to arrogant rhetoric and various manouevres of the
government, which sporadically reminds us that a historical monster has not been destroyed
by disappearance of Milosevic. Official Serbia is vexed by globalization which is a
principled opposite to economic nationalism and state protectionism, as well as to
monopolies which enable nomencalture to control resources and thoughts of people. But
nomenclature needs fresh blood. The one which incites inter-generational conflict.
Corruption amid the very ranks of nomencalture is at the same time the only successful
resistance to isolationism. Dramatically complex, abounding in networks and dynamic, the
world economy is most alluring and irrestible. Tecnological and communication changes have
compressed the space and time, broken through the state borders and downsized national
sovereignities.
Isolationism is an escape from universality which addresses the
individual. From the universal myth which does not have its collectivistic denominator.
The current mythology about two or three Serbias, as an attempt to denounce an alien body
contrary to national identity and national interests, is only one of the East European
examples of endeavours of nomenclature to turn itself into tycoons and occupy positions in
the new basis of political power (notably in Russia and Ukraine). The majority Serbia due
to its unfavourable educational and social structure for the umpteenth time is not able to
discern that laying a claim to a bigger or the only truth, which presupposes collective
obedience is only a screen for political manipulation. It fails to grasp that trends in
the society and development of ideas, are devoid of any causality or regularity, that
there is no mandatory social and ideological model. In any case it is not easy to devise a
just and steady balance of the rights and liberties of communities and individuals.
Only liberalism consciously generates its own dilemmas. Serbia has in
fact found itself on one of boundaries of its stretch. That is the only limes of its
current history. On the edges of that limes, Serbia feigns to freely meditate on the world
as it really is, on its perversions and temptations. On the evil of
\"globalization\".
Images of the world usually have a mythical basis. Since a moral lesson
is mandatory in all myths, mythology about the world order carries within itself fears,
warnings and hopes. Contrary to the world chaos, the official Serbia has, or at least
seems to have re-embraced the myth of the continuity of its duration, of binding messages
from the past, and taken up the pseudo-anthropological stance on the return of the
contemporary society to abstract collectivism of ancient mythical community. Serbia has
not accidentally denied the theory of evolution suggesting that both men and society
progress, in biological, political and moral terms. Rhetoric about the state interest and
about a great statesman at the helm of that state is a throwback to the Nazi vision of a
genius relying on ancient messages of a heroic mythical community, being a great arbiter
and conductor of history.
On the other side of limes unfolds the world history in one of its
dominant political communities. By stopping at the Serb border, European Union has assumed
its planetary responsibility. \"Planetary responsibility as an obligation constitutes
ethics\" (Agnes Heller). Serbia tries to bargain with such Europe. At the same time,
when it sporadically renounces attempts to manipulate myths and monopolies, which are
anyway a time-losing exercise, it seems that Serbia is able to pursue only- the world
policy. Then it also apparently resigns itself to teachings about eveolution and its
messages.
Communities which stubbornly cherish their cultural, racial and
ideological exclusivity crumble into ruin in their isolationism and under terror of their
own elites. On the other hand, global civilization, down-sized, in some of its codes even
banal, threatens with standardization and simplification of developed and complex
cultures. Collapse of time and space, in new technologies, threatens inherent dimensions
at disposal of every authentic culture. But all cultures are susceptible to changes,
destruction, or self-destruction, and the least to sporadic self-examination. Even the
models of their dynamics are not binding. In the throes of birth of a rational society,
Serbia seems to recognize similar dilemmas. However, the basis dilemma of its elites is
facing the certainty of a future rational society, as a free society, inter alia, free
from its past.
It it true that it is not possible to fully free the past from the
contemporary values, views on the world, errors and illusions and prejudices. Serbia
currently lacks the vision of such a break with the past. The vision of uncovering false
and imagined traditions and a new reading of the past. And the vision to accept one truth,
namely, that collective right is the only right to the truth.
Sometimes it seems that the truth about the character of the
contemporary world lags behind the dynamics of its transformation. There is neither
agreement on whether globalization is a real occurence or a new Babylon myth.
International exchange of commodities and capital is accelerated, erosion of national
sovereignty and borders is unfolding, global finances are spreading, role of international
organizations is gaining on importance, power of multinational corporations is large,
cultural exhchange is extensive. The world is being tightly united by passengers,
tourists, immigrants, telecommunications, standards, international justice and
international crime, including terrorism. To end on an optimistic note, in such a world,
on the very limes of a historical nucleus, it is difficult to imagine a solitary,
isolated, caste-like society. Added to that there is no example of a solitary community
which is free, progressive, successful and happy. If nothing else, such a community is not
able to preserve from collapse, ruin, abuses, degeneration its own authentic culture. |