Editorial
Dissolution of the Balkans
By Sonja Biserko
More than twenty years since Yugoslavia’s breakup the
states emerging from it have not yet consolidated into sustainable
communities capable of managing their still multiethnic populations.
Getting transformed into nation states they have not yet found modes
that would guarantee stability and coexistence. Their search for
national identities resulted in the conflict that has been changing its
form but practically never came to an end. The fall of the Ottoman and
Austro-Hungarian empires triggered off the process of nation-state
building in the Balkans. The two empires had been more tolerant and
pluralistic and in this context the “second” Yugoslavia resembled them.
Social restrictions of national ideologies are
nowadays critically reexamined and with good reason – the exclusiveness
characteristic of national ideologies is the biggest cultural clog of
any society including those of the Balkans with traditionally different
historical experience. Cultural heritage has been reduced to the bounds
of ethnic penchants. The Balkans of the 20th century was mostly
intolerant to Muslims. Muslims were seen as “others” that have to be
eliminated. Muslims have been the target of repressive policies ever
since the Balkan Wars in 1912 - and still are.
And this is where consolidation of the newly emerged
states with considerable Muslim populations – Bosnia, Macedonia, Kosovo
and, of course, Serbia – missed its footing. The breakup of Yugoslavia
and ensuing wars had a considerable anti-Muslim dimension: the policy of
Belgrade certainly had it. Regretfully the Western (European) community
swallowed the thesis launched from Belgrade: three nations of
Bosnia-Herzegovina cannot together. And without thinking twice it
imposed the Dayton Accords (1995) on Bosnia, the peace agreement based
on the ethnic principle. The Dayton Accords did put an end to the war.
Today, however, the same agreement makes the foundation for another.
After all, Serbs occupied 70 percent of Bosnia in the
first months of the war, in 1992, expelling all Muslims and other ethnic
groups. Throughout the war Muslims/Bosniaks have been packed in 15
percent of the Bosnian territory, mostly in three bigger towns,
Sarajevo, Tuzla and Zenica. In Dayton, Serbs had to give up 20 percent
of “their” territory while Bosnia was divided into two entities – the
Federation of Bosnia-Herzegovina and Republika Srpska. Republika Srpska
remained ethnically cleansed while Belgrade’s main strategic goal was to
prevent Muslims from returning to their homes. Muslims were allowed to
return only to ethnic ghettoes of their own, which further contributed
to ethnic consolidation.
The international community accepted this “formula.”
Although proclaiming 1997 the year of return it did nothing to ensure
actual return of the Bosnian population to their homesteads.
Back in 1995 Jean Baudrillard wrote, “We think we had
the job done by stigmatizing Serbs as evil but not as enemies. And with
good reason because in the global battlefield we, Westerners, Europeans,
we fight against the same enemy as they: against Islam, Muslims…In
Bosnia we fight against Serbs (without exaggeration) in the name of a
multicultural Europe but in doing this we sacrifice another culture, the
culture that counteracts the indifferent world order without values with
its values. And we do this together with Serbs.”
Twenty years have passed since. The world is still
undergoing deep transformation but the new world order is not yet on the
horizon. In the meantime the Islamic question has been placed on the top
of global agenda. The Islamic world also undergoes transformation (Arab
spring) but also without a vision promising stability. Europe too
discusses the Islamic question – the discussion permeates all European
countries. This is why Bosnia is a predominantly European problem.
Europe will be at a loss to adequately respond to Islam until it finds a
just and proper solution to the problem of Bosnia.
The process of consolidation of the state of Bosnia
was relatively successful during the mandate of Paddy Ashdown, UN
special representative. Afterwards it begun to disintegrate slowly but
surely. Despite its crucial role in Bosnia the international community
has done almost nothing to contribute to the country’s identity
building. The attempt at establishing federal institutions and
proclaiming a constitution that safeguards the state’s identity -
failed. All the three communities remained entrenched in their ethic
nationalisms that counteract democratization by their very nature. The
process of ethnification has gone too far that it now chokes the
progress of each ethnic community.
In Bosnia, identity-building has had nothing to do
with history, tolerance, poetry, music and myriad of things the three
ethnic communities have in common. Instead the identity has been shaped
by the war, blood, fire, plunder, destruction…All the three ethnic
communities have turned xenophobic. What’s more they recognize not
history and ignore the facts of the recent past. This is a big problem.
For, a society cannot progress unless it considers its past.
Only a changed educational model, a change in the way
of thinking could change a prevalent mindset. Only taking the stock of
the bloodshed in 1990s could launch the process of acknowledgment of
guilt and correction of mistakes. All this, however, can hardly take
place in the Balkans without the pressure from EU and its insistence on
the respect for human rights standards. The ICTY and domestic war crimes
courts could contribute much in this context. And yet there would be no
guarantees for political, social and economic progress of the region so
much devastated by wars and failed transition.
No progress can be made without a deep, serious
reconciliation process, which digs into genocide, ethnic cleansing and
mass crimes. Deep crises could always break into unrestrained violence.
Extremist groups, nationalists and the media under their control play on
the fear of Islamic fundamentalism: the fear will take root if Islam is
continually pictured as hostile and incompatible with Western
civilization. Moreover, Islamophobia only adds fuel to the fire of
extreme Islamists’ anti-modernism and anti-globalist fanaticism.
A developmental strategy for the entire region of the
Balkans has to be defined in addition to development of intercultural
and inter-religious, humanitarian dialogue that fosters neighborly
relations. This is what only EU could accomplish through a Marshall Plan
of sorts. In Balkan societies democratic institutions and democracy in
general are hardly sustainable unless poverty is eradicated. And to
speed up the process of poverty eradication EU should open accession
negotiations with all Western Balkans countries as soon as possible.
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