The Arrest
of Radovan Karadzic
The arrest of Radovan Karadzic, the man who led the
Bosnian Serbs during the 1992-5 war and created Republika Srpska as a
booty of war ('The Serbs will never accept any Bosnian state, regardless
of who hatched up the idea,' he used to say), a man charged with the
most serious war crimes including genocide in Bosnia, is an event of
momentous importance. One might even say that it is more significant
than the arrest of Slobodan Milosevic. For his arrest signifies much
more than the end of the illusion about the unification of all Serbs in
one state. First and foremost, it throws the spotlight on his Serbian
(Belgrade) mentors, the architects of the greater-state project, and on
the whole society. Radovan Karadzic indeed enjoyed the reputation of a
true, unifying Serb leader. He was introduced to politics by Dobrica
Cosic, academic and one of the chief designers of the Serb project.
Cosic was, in his own words, in close relationship with Karadzic. He
installed him as leader of the Bosnian Serbs and spoke of him as being
the most talented Serb politician.
The silence of precisely that segment of the elites,
whose survival on the public scene has been jeopardized by the arrest,
is indicative. Demonstrations have already been organized and are
spearheaded by radical right-wing groups, for long close allies of the
Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (which hatched up the notorious
Memorandum), the Serbian Orthodox Church and parts of the Army that are
still unreformed. So far, however, the protests have not succeeded and
will, in all probability, fail to stir the masses. Whatever the outcome,
the general atmosphere and the reactions to the arrest merit attention.
The bringing of charges against Karadzic was condemned
by the intellectual public at the time as a 'pressure on the whole Serb
people', an 'endeavour by the world power brokers to paralyze all
political and social activity of the Serb people'. A group of sixty
intellectuals adopted in 1997 a Declaration demanding an end to the
Hague tribunal proceedings against Karadzic, insisting that the
'persecution of Radovan Karadzic has no real foundation in actual facts'
and that the 'fate of Radovan Karadzic is the fate of the entire
people'. The Declaration, initiated by Patriarch Pavle, brought together
nationalists from all walks of life. Professor Kosta Cavoski even wrote
a book in Karadzic's defence in which he alleges that by the time of the
Srebrenica massacre Karadzic had lost control over Mladic and that
Milosevic himself was in charge of the operation. Avowed nationalists
and anti-communists began systematically to shift all blame for possible
war crimes by the Serb side on the communists alone, above all on
Slobodan Milosevic.
The fact of the arrest has created in the Serb
nationalists the sense of a final end and a thorough defeat. A poet used
to say that Karadzic personifies Republika Srpska, that he is its emblem
and that his departure for The Hague would mean definitive defeat of all
Serb hope, all Serb dignity. Karadzic was made into a legend long ago
and was believed to have disappeared for ever. The circumstances
surrounding the bringing in of the 'kind-hearted' old man who practices
alternative medicine fit into the legend and serve as grist to the mill
of a new myth. All of a sudden, there is a generous supply of
photographs and footage showing a different image of Karadzic, a quiet
man protected and respected in his surroundings. For a few days, all the
media ran romanticized biographies of Radovan Karadzic without anybody
going into the real reasons for his arrest. The reports for the most
part dwelled on the technical aspects of the arrest and speculations as
to how, where and when he was apprehended. The Bosnian Serb reaction
ranged from self-restraint to anger, for the arrested Serb leader had
been invested with the halo of a modern Robin Hood.
Vojislav Kostunica was his protector in that his
party, the Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS), was sister party to
Karadzic's Serb Democratic Party (SDS). After Kostunica split from the
Democratic Party in 1992, it was Karadzic who helped him establish the
DSS. The 2000 victory of Vojislav Kostunica in the presidential
elections in the then Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and that against
Slobodan Milosevic, bestowed democratic legitimacy on Serb nationalism
for the first time and earned it international support. His victory was
a great encouragement to the Serb nationalists and all others who hoped
that Serbia would succeed in keeping her war booty, especially Republika
Srpska, in reference to which Kostunica was wont to say that 'it is not
natural that Serb towns should be abroad'. What is more, the change of
government in Belgrade meant that Karadzic himself had been given, or
rather continued to enjoy, the state's full backing and protection. His
unexpected arrest closes a chapter in that is coincides with the
departure from the public scene of two key ideologues of the
greater-Serbia state project.
What brought about such an end? The end was heralded
by the proclamation of Kosovo's independence, on the occasion of which
Kostunica engineered, among other things, the torching of foreign
embassies in Belgrade as a token of outrage at the international support
for the 'false Kosovo state'. The calling of early elections in the hope
of winning them by manipulating the Kosovo myth for once turned out to
be an error of judgement. The only good thing about Kostunica is that he
helped unmask Serb Nazism completely and gave the world and the
neighbours a better insight into the depths of Serb nationalism. For the
first time, the citizens of Serbia voted for a future and for an
agreement with the EU which President Boris Tadic signed with
considerable timidity. History has smiled on him. If he proves
courageous enough, he stands a chance of becoming a statesman.
Although new prospects are open for Serbia, Serb
nationalism has not been vanquished. It lives on in the schools, the
University, the media. The example of Serbia shows that radical
nationalism does not disappear of itself, for the illusion persists that
a change in circumstances may permit the realization of one's
imperialistic goals. For this reason foreign initiative is
indispensable. In its relations with Serbia, the EU must radically
revise its system of values above all, otherwise there will be no real
change in the long term. |