News
Exclusive
Jutarnji list
October 2007
Milosevic's Prosecutor in the Hague Geoffrey Nice
responds to Florence Hartmann's accusations and claims he should be
given credit for collecting evidence against Milosevic Carla Del Ponte
is responsible for politicizing the Prosecution Hartmann had access to
the private archives of Mrs. Del Ponte, but interpreted events in a
manner that solely benefits Mrs. Del Ponte ZAGREB - the Chief Prosecutor
in the Milosevic Trial at the Hague, Sir Geoffrey Nice, in an exclusive
letter to Jutarnji List yesterday refuted accusations by the former
Chief Prosecutor Carla Del Ponte's spokesperson Florence Hartmann in her
book "Peace and Punishment".
Nice reacted to Hartmann's claims that he had sought
the withdrawal of the charges against Milosevic for genocide committed
in Srebrenica and the siege of Sarajevo on a number of occasions as of
October of 2002. Nice claims Hartmann's accusations are unverified and
unfounded. After the International Court of Judge ruled in April that
Serbia was only indirectly responsible for crimes committed in
Srebrenica, it was Nice who had accused Del Ponte of having made a deal
with Belgrade about withholding documents tying Serbia to the genocide.
Del Ponte would didn't take the advice of others Nice
reacted to parts of the book in which Hartmann writes: "When Milosevic
was removed from power in October 2000, the OTP barely had any proof
regarding his involvement in crimes committed in Croatia and BIH due to
internal and external obstructions. Srebrenica and Sarajevo in the end
were entered into the indictment but as the Milosevic trial dragged on,
Geoffrey Nice, on a number of occasions as of October 2002 requested
that those charges be dropped due to a lack of time and evidence." Nice
replies that had Hartmann asked him about it he would have responded as
follows:
"A brief history of the part of the indictment
pertaining to Sarajevo and Srebrenica is as follows. Upon assuming my
post in November 2001, I was faced with the inconsistent opinions of the
status of Sarajevo and Srebrenica in the indictment amongst the lawyers,
the investigators and analysts who were preparing the part of the trial
for BiH. One of the reasons for this state of unrest was that Mrs. Del
Ponte insisted that Milosevic be charged for crimes in Srebrenica and
Sarajevo contrary to the advice of lawyers who felt they had
insufficient evidence at the time the indictment was put together.
However, the judge had already approved the indictment. I decided we
should conduct a detailed analysis of the current evidence for Sarajevo
and Srebrenica and then decide how to proceed. The analysis and search
for additional evidence was undertaken immediately after my arrival as
we expected part of the trial for crimes committed in BIH to begin at
the end of 2002. The process of analyzing the evidence was conducted
simultaneously with our consultations with investigators, analysts and
lawyers. This method of approach opened new avenues for the
investigation and the identification of numerous new items of evidence.
One example of evidence which was requested and obtained between 2002
and 2005 was a number of important collections of documents obtained
from the Belgrade authorities according to Rule 54bis, i.e. a Rule by
which the Trial Chamber can order a State to procure documents to the
Tribunal. Documents from the Main Defense Council (VSO) were obtained in
this manner. This collection of documents was requested in May of 2002
and received during 2003. However, these extremely important documents
for both the public, the Tribunal and the International Court of Justice
were never fully revealed to the public due to the fact that Carla Del
Ponte, before any member of my team had the chance to review the
contents of the collection, agreed not to oppose protective measures for
a large number of documents which Belgrade intended to file for and in
the end was granted by the Court. There was no legal basis or practical
reason for this attitude of hers. Hartmann's claims are unfounded. My
approach to the problem of the indictment in the parts dealing with
Sarajevo and Srebrenica led me to additional evidence. Hartmann didn't
participate in a single phase of this process, which doesn't stop her
from expressing very strong claims about me and this topic.
She is neither an investigator nor a lawyer and her
professional capabilities rest on her journalist work and work as Del
Ponte's spokesperson. Not only that- according to the nature of her job,
she was not even permitted to participate in these processes and had no
access to documents regarding the investigative process. There is no
doubt that Hartmann had access to Del Ponte's private archive, but there
is no doubt that she interpreted these events to the sole benefit of Del
Ponte. I'll refrain from commenting who and why gave her access to the
archives. This is up to the UN administration to investigate. The
results of the approach which I initiated in the case of Sarajevo and
Srebrenica are best seen in the Prosecution's response to the Amicus
Curiae brief in which they had, after the prosecution had finished its
presentation of the case, requested the Trial Chamber remove numerous
parts of the indictment from the remainder of the trial. Their arguments
were that the Prosecution had provided insufficient evidence in its
presentation of the case, particularly for Sarajevo, Srebrenica and the
count for genocide in order for the charges to be upheld for the
duration of the trial. The Prosecution's team and analysts I led created
a reply which presented the best evidence and legal theory under which
Milosevic was being tried, including for crimes committed in Sarajevo
and Srebrenica. The judges responded positively to our brief, as a
result of which, amongst other issues, Sarajevo, Srebrenica and the
count of genocide remained in the indictment for the remainder of the
trial. Hartmann "suggests a connection between Geoffrey Nice and the
British Foreign Office, noting, in detail, cases in which Nice requested
Milosevic be freed of the gravest of all charges". Such inaccurate and
unfounded claims are so ridiculous they aren't worth mentioning. They
are interesting only from the standpoint of the credibility of the book
as a whole.
Is Hartmann suggesting that I worked on average 15
hours a day for over 4 years in order to satisfy some sort of bizarre
British policy which Hartmann failed to define precisely?
And that no one inside the Tribunal controlled me
including Mrs. Del Ponte? It would be good if Hartmann were to explain
which exact evidence was concealed and obstructed because as she herself
claims, there was no evidence against Milosevic in October of 2000. How
then, does she explain that the most important evidence was procured
from 2002 to 2005, since I took over the case? I followed up on every
bit of information that could lead to possible evidence, instructing my
investigators To act upon it. One such lead concerned intercepted
conversations between Milosevic and Mladic and other key figures of the
Srebrenica drama which were supposedly in the possession of one of the
entities. This specific example of obstruction in obtaining the
documents for Srebrenica somehow slipped Hartmann's mind. In 2005 the
54bis procedure was initiated in order to obtain this evidence from the
competent authorities or in any case in order to obtain statements from
representatives of the entity whether or not they were in the possession
of these materials. A week before the scheduled hearing where the
representative of the entity was to appear before the Court, Del Ponte
contacted third-party representatives instructing her to withdraw the
54bis Prosecution Request, which she subsequently did. I never received
any form of explanation as to why she did this. Del Ponte's sensitivity
towards political pressure posed ethical problems for me. I discussed
this specific problem on numerous occasions with her immediate
assistants in order to identify the legal parameters of what we were
obligated to disclose to the court and the accused in this specific
case. This, unfortunately never occurred due to the death of the
accused. My professional duty was not only that this evidence would
reveal Milosevic's criminal responsibility for Srebrenica but that it
would also reveal that the International Community could have known in
advance what would happen in Srebrenica.
Statements about me published from Hartmann's book in
your newspaper are inaccurate, unverified and unfounded ad seem to have
one sole purpose which is to protect the position of Mrs. Del Ponte
according to the principle "attack is the best defense". All the topics
noted in the book actually identify the weak points related to the rule
of Mrs. Del Ponte which she is obviously well aware of. In attacking the
whole world in order to defend the legacy of her boss, Hartmann has
actually opened Pandora's Box about Mrs. Del Ponte, because examples of
Del Ponte's unprofessional behavior and unnecessary politicization of
the Prosecution have yet to be fully disclosed. |